<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" version="2.0">
<channel>
<title>The Economic and Social Review, Vol. 36, No. 2, Summer/Autumn, 2005</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/62018</link>
<description/>
<pubDate>Fri, 03 Nov 2017 02:47:56 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2017-11-03T02:47:56Z</dc:date>
<item>
<title>Book review:  The politics of high-tech growth: developmental network states in the global economy / by Sean O Riain. Cambridge University Press. 2004.</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61907</link>
<description>Book review:  The politics of high-tech growth: developmental network states in the global economy / by Sean O Riain. Cambridge University Press. 2004.
Barry, Frank; O Riain, Sean
?Sticky places in slippery space? is one of the best-known phrases from the literature on economic geography. The ?slippery space? is the globalised world of highly mobile capital, labour and technology. The ?sticky places? are the successful regions in which these factors agglomerate. This book is, inter alia, an analysis of how Ireland became sticky over the course of the 1990s.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61907</guid>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>What?s been happening to concentration in Irish industry 1991-2001</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60053</link>
<description>What?s been happening to concentration in Irish industry 1991-2001
McCloughan, Patrick
This paper estimates concentration in Irish manufacturing industry (1991-2001) by&#13;
applying the McCloughan and Abounoori technique for calculating the concentration ratio given grouped data. The results suggest high aggregate concentration, which appears less a function of multi-plant operations than in the past, possibly reflecting industrial policy changes. Industrial concentration appears higher on average in Ireland than in other countries and there is a significant relationship between concentration and upper-tail size inequalities, suggesting that it is the top 1 or 2 firms that typically determine concentration. Concentration does not appear to vary with foreign ownership or export activity in Irish industry.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60053</guid>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Dynamic factor demands in a changing economy: an Irish application</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60048</link>
<description>Dynamic factor demands in a changing economy: an Irish application
McQuinn, Kieran
In this paper a model of dynamic factor demands is presented for the Irish economy.&#13;
Total costs, labour and capital are modelled on a two-stage basis. First, a static, long-run cost function is specified which allows for the derivation of expressions for optimal labour and capital demand. This function is assumed to be of the flexible, translog form and thus more general than the generic Cobb-Douglas application. In the second stage, a dynamic cost function is specified which nests the long-run static approach. Growth rates in factor shares are derived from the dynamic approach and the rate of adjustment of input use to factor price changes is examined through the use of short and long-run elasticities.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60048</guid>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Mapping the Irish policy space: voter and party spaces in preferential elections</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60004</link>
<description>Mapping the Irish policy space: voter and party spaces in preferential elections
Benoit, Kenneth; Laver, Michael
In this note we map the Irish policy space, locating both voters and parties on the most&#13;
salient policy dimensions in Ireland. Estimates of the voter locations are based on the Irish National Election Survey (INES), conducted in 2002. Estimates of the party positions are based on an expert survey of party positions conducted by the authors in late 2002. We show that respondent self-placements on a priori policy scales are highly biased and difficult to interpret, and we rely instead on building scale positions for respondents from their answers to relevant attitude questions in the INES. The results provide a methodological template for locating voters and parties in a common space ? a significant problem for any analyst who wants to create an empirical elaboration of a spatial model of party competition.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60004</guid>
<dc:date>2005-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
</channel>
</rss>
