<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
  <title>DSpace Academic/Research Unit: History</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/43" />
  <subtitle>History</subtitle>
  <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/43</id>
  <updated>2013-05-22T22:12:01Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2013-05-22T22:12:01Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Factionalism and noble power in English Ireland, c 1361 1423</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/62647" />
    <author>
      <name>CROOKS, PETER</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/62647</id>
    <updated>2012-03-14T17:41:11Z</updated>
    <published>2007-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Factionalism and noble power in English Ireland, c 1361 1423
Author: CROOKS, PETER
Abstract: This thesis offers a reappraisal of noble power and political culture in the English colony in Ireland&#xD;
in the late middle ages. It seeks to move beyond narrowly-conceived studies of the colony’s chief&#xD;
governors and institutional apparatus, which remain historiographical staples for this period. Implicit&#xD;
in such writings is the assumption that a firm central authority provided by the king was preferable to&#xD;
‘unruly’ aristocratic power. This thesis is an attempt to interrogate that assumption by closely&#xD;
examining one ‘negative’ trait particularly associated with the English lords of late medieval Ireland:&#xD;
factionalism.&#xD;
The prevalence of conflict in this period may at first invite pessimism; but by broadening&#xD;
the scope of the discussion, the thesis seeks to show that ‘lordship’ as exercised in English Ireland&#xD;
had much in common with societies in neighbouring Britain and beyond. A general review of these&#xD;
issues (Part I), serves as a prelude to a discussion of factionalism in a more confined period, 1361–&#xD;
1423 (Parts II–IV). The thesis traces the course of a prolonged dispute between two of the most&#xD;
powerful noble houses in Ireland: the Butler earls of Ormond and the Geraldine earls of Desmond.&#xD;
By the 1420s, the Butlers and Geraldines had reached a temporary détente, but the thesis examines&#xD;
the origins of a second protracted struggle involving the Butlers, this time with relative newcomers&#xD;
to Ireland, the Talbot family (later earls of Shrewsbury and Waterford).&#xD;
It is argued that the discords between these nobles cannot be explained simply by the ebbing&#xD;
power of the central government and the entrenchment of local lordship. Indeed, the English crown&#xD;
and its representatives in Ireland frequently aggravated noble conflicts. Moreover, the extent to&#xD;
which conflicts were bloody has been greatly exaggerated. Faction fights, far from indicating&#xD;
weakness at the centre, were in fact often conducted through the institutions of the central&#xD;
government. Consequently, ‘factionalism’ can serve as a conceptual key to open up a number of&#xD;
themes of more general significance, including the relationship between the resident nobles and the&#xD;
Dublin government; the interdependence of colonial and curial politics; the flexibility of the colonial&#xD;
identity; the sophistication of political culture; and the relationship between magnate ambitions and&#xD;
the broader concerns of the political community of the colony. Physical conflict did, of course,&#xD;
occur. Yet it is suggested that, here too, the picture is rather more complex than historians have&#xD;
allowed. The English nobles of Ireland had mechanisms for regulating their private affairs, such as&#xD;
arbitration, compensation and marriage settlements. These means of dispute settlement spun an&#xD;
intricate web of social affiliations that helped propel antagonists towards peace. Finally, by taking&#xD;
the discussion up to the year 1423, the thesis hopes to expose continuities in noble actions and&#xD;
attitudes across the chronological threshold of 1399, and demonstrate that the factional struggles of&#xD;
the Yorkist and Tudor periods in Ireland need to be placed in a continuum that extends back to the&#xD;
later fourteenth century.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2007-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Pearse, Parnell &amp; the priests: history and politics in the Irish schoolboy novel</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61593" />
    <author>
      <name>O'NEILL, CIARAN</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61593</id>
    <updated>2012-01-10T17:54:08Z</updated>
    <published>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Pearse, Parnell &amp; the priests: history and politics in the Irish schoolboy novel
Author: O'NEILL, CIARAN
Editor: Katerina Jencova, Michaela Markova, Radvan Markus, Hana Pavelkova
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>The Irish schoolboy novel</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61592" />
    <author>
      <name>O'NEILL, CIARAN</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61592</id>
    <updated>2012-01-10T17:48:52Z</updated>
    <published>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: The Irish schoolboy novel
Author: O'NEILL, CIARAN
Abstract: Ireland has its own set of much neglected schoolboy novels. Aside from James Joyce's seminal work, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916), few have received any critical attention, due in many cases to small print runs. This article is an attempt to rescue the Irish schoolboy novel from its relative obscurity. Although the quality of some of the novels may well be debatable, they nevertheless provide us with a rare and valuable glimpse at the reality of school life for Irish boys in the nineteenth century.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Producerer humaniora fund som i naturvidenskaben?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61575" />
    <author>
      <name>HOLM, POUL</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/61575</id>
    <updated>2012-01-09T10:40:39Z</updated>
    <published>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Producerer humaniora fund som i naturvidenskaben?
Author: HOLM, POUL
Abstract: Humanistisk forskning producerer fund nøjagtig lige som alle andre videnskaber. Der er ingen forskel.  I det følgende vil jeg give nogle eksempler på humanistiske fund, og hvad de kan bruges til. Jeg vil argumentere for, at fremtidens miljø- og klimaudfordringer sætter humanistisk forskning i centrum, og at den digitale revolution giver enorme og hidtil uindløste muligheder for erkendelsesgennembrud i humaniora. Anvendeligheden af humaniora i både privat og offentligt regi vil stige eksponentielt under forudsætning af, at vi udvikler et koncept for translationel humaniora.
Description: PRESENTED</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Aftershocks: Violence in Dissolving Empires after the First World War</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60766" />
    <author>
      <name>EICHENBERG, JULIA</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>NEWMAN, JOHN PAUL</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60766</id>
    <updated>2011-11-17T11:19:37Z</updated>
    <published>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Aftershocks: Violence in Dissolving Empires after the First World War
Author: EICHENBERG, JULIA; NEWMAN, JOHN PAUL
Abstract: This special issue deals with the phenomenon of the emergence of radical violence in what might be called ‘shatter zones’ of empires after the end of the First World War. It argues that the emergence of violence was due to the absence of functioning state control and facilitated by the effects of experiencing mass violence during the First World War. In the multi-ethnic regions of the former empires, the rising wave of nationalism directed this violent potential against ethnic and religious minorities.</summary>
    <dc:date>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>The Dark Side of Independence: Paramilitary Violence in Ireland and Poland after the First World War</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60765" />
    <author>
      <name>EICHENBERG, JULIA</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60765</id>
    <updated>2011-11-17T11:18:57Z</updated>
    <published>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: The Dark Side of Independence: Paramilitary Violence in Ireland and Poland after the First World War
Author: EICHENBERG, JULIA
Abstract: This article analyses excesses carried out against civilians in Ireland and Poland after the First World War. It shows how the absence of a centralised state authority with a monopoly on violence allowed for new, less inhibited paramilitary groups to operate in parts of Ireland and Poland. The article argues that certain forms of violence committed had a symbolic meaning and served as messages, further alienating the different ethnic and religious communities. By comparing the Irish and Polish case, the article also raises questions about the obvious differences in the excesses in Poland and Ireland, namely in terms of scale of the excesses and the number of victims and, central to the Polish case, the question of antisemitism.&#xD;
&#xD;
Le côté noir de l'indépendance. Formes de violence paramilitaire dans l'Irlande et la Pologne de l'après-guerre, 1918–1923&#xD;
&#xD;
Cet article analyse les excès contre les civils en Irlande et en Pologne après la Première Guerre mondiale. Il montre que l'absence d'une autorité étatique centralisée, jouissant d'un monopole sur la violence a permis à de nouveaux groupes paramilitaires plus violents d'opérer dans certaines régions de l'Irlande et de la Pologne. L'auteure démontre que certaines formes de violence commises avaient une signification symbolique et avaient valeur de messages, qui séparaient davantage les différentes communautés religieuses et ethniques. En comparant les cas irlandais et polonais, l'article s'interroge aussi sur les différents types de violence observée dans les deux pays, tant au niveau de son ampleur que du nombre des victimes, et examine la question de l'antisémitisme, qui est central dans le cas polonais.&#xD;
&#xD;
Die dunkle Seite der Unabhängigkeit. Paramilitärische Gewalt in Irland und Polen nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg&#xD;
&#xD;
Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht gewalttätige Übergriffe gegen Zivilisten in Irland und Polen nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Er zeigt wie die Abwesenheit eines zentralen Staates mit Gewaltmonopol in beiden Ländern eine neue Form kaum eingeschränkter Gewalt seitens paramilitärischer Gruppen entstehen lässt. Die Autorin argumentiert, dass die hier dargestellten Formen der Gewalt zudem eine symbolische Bedeutung innehielten und als Botschaft dienten, welche die ethnischen und religiösen Gemeinschaften weiter entzweite. Durch den Vergleich von Irland und Polen diskutiert der Artikel auch Fragen über die offensichtlichen Unterschiede der Gewalt in den beiden Ländern, insbesondere in Bezug auf das Ausmaß der Gewalt und die Opferzahlen und in Bezug auf den in Polen zentralen Antisemitismus.</summary>
    <dc:date>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>The Great War and Paramilitarism in Europe, 1917 23</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60728" />
    <author>
      <name>HORNE, JOHN</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/60728</id>
    <updated>2011-11-16T16:28:00Z</updated>
    <published>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: The Great War and Paramilitarism in Europe, 1917 23
Author: HORNE, JOHN
Abstract: In this comparative conclusion, the authors consider some of the most influential trends in the historiography of political and paramilitary violence, with particular reference to the relationship between wartime and post-war violence. The heuristic value of the ‘aftershocks’ metaphor is considered, as are the advantages (and potential pitfalls) of the contributors’ transnational approach. Finally, the authors suggest an agenda for future research on paramilitary violence, which looks at the phenomenon in a global perspective.&#xD;
&#xD;
La Grande Guerre et le paramilitarisme en Europe 1917–1923&#xD;
&#xD;
Dans cette conclusion comparative, les auteurs discutent les tendances les plus influentes dans l'historiographie de la violence politique et paramilitaire. Ce faisant, ils mettent l'accent sur la relation entre la violence en temps de guerre et celle de l'après-guerre. Ils examinent ainsi non seulement la valeur heuristique de la métaphore des ‘Aftershocks’, mais aussi les avantages (et éventuels écueils) de l'approche transnationale des contributeurs à ce volume. Finalement, les auteurs proposent un agenda de recherche sur la violence paramilitaire, qui porte son regard sur le phénomène dans une perspective globale.&#xD;
&#xD;
Der Große Krieg und Paramilitarismus, 1917–1923&#xD;
&#xD;
In dem vergleichenden Schluss zu diesem Themenheft diskutieren die Autoren einige der einflussreichsten Trends in der Historiographie der politischen und paramilitärischen Gewalt. Dabei gilt ihre besondere Aufmerksamkeit der Beziehung zwischen Krieg und Nachkriegsgewalt. Der heuristische Wert der Metapher vom ‘Nachbeben’ wird diskutiert, ebenso wie die Vorteile und potentiellen Gefahren des transnationalen Ansatzes. Schließlich befürworten die Autoren eine Ausweitung zukünftiger Erforschung von paramilitärischer Gewalt auf eine Sichtweise, die das Phänomen in einer globalen Perspektive betrachtet.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Kampen om det som ingen ejer: om rettighederne til den øde jord indtil 1241 som baggrund for den tidlige middelalders bondeuro</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/58712" />
    <author>
      <name>HOLM, POUL</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/58712</id>
    <updated>2011-08-16T14:02:30Z</updated>
    <published>1985-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Kampen om det som ingen ejer: om rettighederne til den øde jord indtil 1241 som baggrund for den tidlige middelalders bondeuro
Author: HOLM, POUL
Editor: Würtz Sørensen, J., &amp; Tvede-Jensen, L.
Abstract: [ (In Danish) The Fight over That Which Noone Owns. On the Rights to Deserted Lands before 1241 as a Backdrop to Early Medieval Peasant Unrest. Discusses royal and monastic encroachment on communal woodlands in 11th-13th century Denmark ] Det, som ingen ejer – skove, fiskevand, forstrand – det ejer kongen, fastslog Jyske Lev 11241 med en autoritet, der forblev stort set uantastet i den senere middelalder. Selv om tinget ifølge fortalen vedtog loven, var det dog kongen, der gav den, og der var næppe mange, der vovede at løfte røsten mod loven. lkke desto mindre var kampen om rettighederne over den øde jord, almindingen, et tilbagevendende tema for den sociale konflikt i den tidlige middelalder. Det skal være min udgangspåstand, at de sociale konflikter, som kom til udtryk i retstvister, afgiftspålæg, uro og opstande, ofle havde deres rod i k ampen om besiddelses- og adgangsrettigheder til den jord, hvis retslige status ikke var entydigt knyttet til én produktionsenhed eller én jordherre. I den tidlige middelalder foregik en voidsom nyopdyrkning og en intensiveret udnyttelse af ressourcerne. Samtidig blev stadig mere jord samlet på færre hænder, specielt efter af slutningen på de store borgerkrige i 1130’erne og 1150’erne. Valdemarstiden, 1157-1241, blev kulminationen på denne jord- og magtsamling, som forudsatte en løsning på den øde jords problem. Det er historien om, hvordan kongen hævdede en overhøjhedsret til denne jord, om bøndernes modstand mod kongens ret, og hvorledes denne ret udviklede sig, sam jeg skal beskæftige mig med.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>1985-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>De skånsk-hallandske bondeoprør 1180-82</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/58711" />
    <author>
      <name>HOLM, POUL</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/58711</id>
    <updated>2011-08-16T13:58:03Z</updated>
    <published>2011-08-15T23:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: De skånsk-hallandske bondeoprør 1180-82
Author: HOLM, POUL
Editor: Würtz Sørensen, J., &amp; Tvede-Jensen, L.
Abstract: [(In Danish) Study of the Danish peasant riots in Scania and Halland 1180/1182] Igennem dansk middelalder var der en række opstande mod skatteudskrivningen og stormandsplageri – i 1086 (nørrejyske og fynske bønder mod urimelig lang leding), 1180-82, igen 1250 (mod plovskatten), i 1256, i 1313, for ikke at tale om de mere velkendte oprør i 1438-41 og Søren Nordbys og senere Skipper Clements opstande i 1520’erne og 30’erne.1 Den røde tråd i opstandene var bøndernes modstand mod kongemagtens og enkelte stormænds forsøg på at udvide deres magt ved at introducere nye uhørte skatter og afgifter - ofte til finansiering af (for bønderne) meningsløse krigseventyr. På den måde markerer disse oprør skærpelsen til bristepunktet af de sociale modsætningsforhold - og derfor er studiet af oprørene så velegnet til at få indblik i den sociale dynamik.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-08-15T23:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Killing and Bloody Sunday, November 1920</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://hdl.handle.net/2262/57090" />
    <author>
      <name>DOLAN, ANNE</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://hdl.handle.net/2262/57090</id>
    <updated>2011-06-17T15:42:53Z</updated>
    <published>2006-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Killing and Bloody Sunday, November 1920
Author: DOLAN, ANNE
Abstract: 21 November 1920 began with the killing of fourteen men in their ﬂats, boarding houses,&#xD;
and hotel rooms in Dublin. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) alleged that they were British spies. That&#xD;
afternoon British forces retaliated by ﬁring on a crowd of supporters at a Gaelic football match in Croke&#xD;
Park, killing twelve and injuring sixty. The day quickly became known as Bloody Sunday. Much has been&#xD;
made of the afternoon’s events. The shootings in Croke Park have acquired legendary status. Concern with&#xD;
the morning’s killing has been largely limited to whether or not the dead men were the spies the IRA said they&#xD;
were. There has been little or no consideration of the men who did the killing. This article is based on largely&#xD;
unused interviews and statements made by the IRA men involved in this and many of the other days that&#xD;
came to constitute the guerrilla war fought against the British forces in Ireland from January 1919 until July&#xD;
1921. This morning’s killings are a chilling example of much of what passed for combat during this struggle.&#xD;
Bloody Sunday morning is used here as a means to explore how generally young and untrained IRA men&#xD;
killed and how this type of killing aﬀected their lives.
Description: PUBLISHED</summary>
    <dc:date>2006-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
</feed>

